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August 22, 2005: Vol. 7, Issue 4

Settlers Fail The Acid Test: There was a lot of hate up there on the roof. Hate for the soldiers, hate for the police, hate for those who don't agree with them. When they sang Hatikva, I stood below and was ashamed.

Settlers Fail The Acid Test: In an analysis of settler behavior at the Kfar Darom synagogue in Gaza, Rafi Ginat wrote, "I stood there [last Thursday], in front of the Kfar Darom synagogue. I stood among a group of Border Police wearing black, for long minutes, long before their forced entry. I stood there and I felt I belonged. I looked into the whites of the eyes of the black uniforms and I saw no hate. I saw patience and quiet. Their uniforms were wet, covered with white paint and smelling of kerosene and sweat. They stood quiet and alert, accepting the objects and words thrown at them-and stayed silent. I saw no hate. On the roof I saw orange thugs, a lawless group of hundreds of youth screaming, singing, and throwing-and taking God's name in vain. The prayers being shouted from their throats sounded like the battle cry of false prophets. In their ugliness, there was nothing of Judaism. I know of no Jewish commandment allowing a Jew to throw acid in the face and body of a fellow Jew. There was a lot of hate up there on the roof. Hate for the soldiers, hate for the police, hate for those who don't agree with them. When they sang Hatikva, I stood below and was ashamed.

"I grew up in an observant house. One grandfather was a rabbi, the other a cantor. I still have respect for people of Torah. Three rabbis stood in the square in front of the synagogue. They stood there and saw the fruit of their education throwing poisonous chemicals at soldiers. They stood there, said nothing, and didn't lift a finger. I couldn't contain myself and I asked them: why don't your talk to your rooftop youths? Why don't you tell them: enough, get down. 'They don't listen to us,' one red-haired rabbi told me, the youngest of them. So what is all your education worth if this is the result? I asked. Instead of an answer, another rabbi shot back: 'These soldiers made a pogrom inside the synagogue.' I stopped this mad dialogue because I did not want to fight with a rabbi.

"A minute later two generals in reserves, war heroes, Yoram Yair and Yom-Tov Samia, tried to talk to the rabbis. They explained how dangerous it was on this shaky roof and warned that this crazy scene could end with people being killed. The generals pleaded with the rabbis to order their youths to come down. But the rabbis didn't budge: 'We have not authority. Talk to Rabbi Ariel.' Rabbi Ariel was not around. I wasn't surprised. And then my friends-for-a-moment, the black uniforms, received the order. Until they managed to control the roof, they had objects thrown at them, chemical substances sprayed on them, they were beaten with wooden sticks, and stabbed by wire concertinas. They took it-and seized the roof. And when they were on the roof they did not take out their batons in their belts, but only spoke to the orange bullies. Spoke, but did not strike. Did not give back. Just evacuated. With determination but carefully, so as not to hurt them. And I see only a few meters away, I see dozens of naked police burned by acid being taken by ambulance, and on the other side, hundreds of punks being gently dragged to the buses. I see this absurd scene and I whisper to the Border Police deputy brigade commander standing near me: if only the rabbis down here and their students up there had the Jewish heart that your soldiers have." (Yedioth Ahronoth, 8/19/05)

Bible Lessons: A lead editorial in Ha'aretz had this to say about how the settlers manipulate the Jewish religion to their own ends. ".This [religious] blackmail is in operation all across the ritual board that stems from the teachings of the Yesha rabbis, Chabad, and the like," the editorial said. "They have sanctified not only the furrows of the earth, but the trees and the rocks. Neveh Dekalim is suddenly defined as a 'holy place.' The religious college may not be touched because it contains sacred objects, abandoning trees planted in Gush Katif is a serious infraction of halakha (Jewish law), for which transgressors will be punished in the world to come, and on and on with other inventions of this ilk, in the twilight zone between the devotion of the gullible and the simple, and cynical exploitation by religious politicians of their religion and their religiosity. The exploitation of the objects is nothing compared to the repulsive and well advertised exploitation of the worship of God. Leading this line, together with the extremists of the Gush, are the thousands of infiltrators who came to the Gaza Strip-they and their rabbis. They make sure to show up for morning prayers just when the army has to open the gate, to call for grace after meals or afternoon prayers just when it is time to pack or get on the bus. They hold on to the Holy Ark as if it were the horns of the altar and wail ecstatically over every book of Psalms, from beginning to end, the moment they see there are microphones and cameras around.

"The soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces and the police are under tremendous physical and emotional pressure. The restrained and responsible manner in which they are dealing with the task shows over and over to every citizen of Israel the meaning of deep commitment to the flag of Israel and the symbol of the menorah on their uniforms. The cynical emotional and religious blackmail of the settlers and the infiltrators, taken from the dubious inventory of shallow and kitschy messianic ritual (some of which is tainted by truly non-Jewish symbols), nevertheless manages to reverberate with large segments of the public." Epilogue: In a separate op-ed on a similar subject, Orit Shochat noted that, "The synagogue at Kfar Darom, so dear to [the settlers'] hearts, a place of martyrs' blood as [disengagement opponent Hanan] Porat said, was erected only four months ago as scenery for this theatrical show." (Ha'aretz, 8/18-19/05)

Settler Terror Attack Draws Harsh Israeli Condemnation: Israeli settler Asher Weisgan's terrorist attack that took the lives of four Palestinians last week drew immediate condemnation from Israeli officials, even as the terrorist himself showed no remorse for his crime. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon said he viewed "this act of Jewish terror, which was aimed at innocent Palestinians with the twisted thinking that it would stop the disengagement plan, very gravely." Labor Party Whip MK Ephraim Sneh called for security forces to place a curfew on Israeli settlements in the Shiloh area in reaction to the attack. "The Jewish terror attack in Shilo is a sign of things to come in the next few weeks," Sneh said. "The Israel Defense Forces must place a curfew on the communities" where the Jewish terrorists came from. MK Avshalom Vilan called on Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz to order the army to enter extremist enclaves among West Bank settlements, impose a curfew, and carry out preventive arrests. Interior Minister Ophir Pines-Paz said, "Whoever was afraid of a pullout under Palestinian fire received.another instance of murderous Jewish terrorism for the second time in less than two weeks. The increase in incidents of Jewish terrorism requires the security forces to reconsider the nature of their approach towards Jewish extremists and their nesting places." When Weisgan was brought before judges so his remand could be extended, he said, "I have no regrets over what I did. I wanted to stop the disengagement, and I hope someone will murder Sharon, too." (Ha'aretz, 8/17-18/05 & Ynetnews.com, 8/18/05)

To Infinity & Beyond: The cost of Israel's disengagement plan is skyrocketing. The initiative will cost NIS 7.5-8 billion, according to an official Finance Ministry estimate. This figure is NIS 2.5-3 billion, or 50-60%, more than the original estimate of NIS 5 billion. Government sources are beginning to unofficially mention an even higher figure of NIS 9.5 billion, almost double the official estimate. The extra costs include spending on the Nitzanim plan and development expenditures for absorbing evacuees in the Negev and Galilee. The central budget item is the compensation payment to the 1,700 settler families, which comes to NIS 4.5 billion. The official ballpark figure is that each family will receive an average of $440,000. Some families will rake in upwards of $1 million, although some will get less. The second biggest budget item is the NIS 2.1 billion in defense spending to build new military bases outside the Gaza Strip, to encircle the entire zone with an electronic fence similar to the one built along the border with Lebanon, defense for communities in the vicinity of Gaza, and for carrying out the actual evacuation. The police and prisons service have made special logistical efforts for disengagement and will get NIS 450 million to cover the cost of their operations before and during the pullout. Disengagement costs are projected to spread out over three years, 2005-2007.

In related news, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon will consider a proposal to amend the Compensation Law to grant full compensation to even those settlers who refused to leave Gush Katif by last week's deadline for voluntary evacuation. The amendment would guarantee that those settlers who refused to budge would not lose 30% of the compensation funds promised to the settlers who followed the law, thus continuing the long-standing tradition of rewarding illegal settler behavior. (Globes, 8/14/05 & Ha'aretz, 8/16-17/05)

Full House: The disengagement plan has caused 1,700 evacuated settler families to seek new homes. Demand for lots and homes in southern Israel has been almost nonexistent until now. But the new demand will probably not boost real estate prices in the south in the short term because inventory of lots for construction and empty apartments greatly exceeds the expected demand. However, the arrival of hundreds of families with millions of shekels each will probably benefit the communities that absorb them. Ashkelon is a probable strong candidate for absorbing many of the evacuees. The city has large land reserves, and is desperate for new residents. It also has hundreds of unoccupied apartments, and lots zoned for construction of 2,000 more. Housing Minister Yitzhak Herzog has requested an additional NIS 24 million from Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to build and renovate public buildings in communities that are prepared to absorb evacuees from Gaza. Herzog told Sharon that severe tensions may arise between newcomers and veterans if inadequate funds are allocated to the building of proper infrastructure. Money is lacking for, among other things, kindergartens, youth clubs, ritual baths, and swimming pools.

On the other side of the divide, the Palestinian Authority (PA) plans to exploit the disengagement plan for extensive infrastructure and rehabilitation projects. Gaza, already one of the most densely populated areas in the world, suffers from a chronic housing shortage, exacerbated by damage to homes from IDF security operations during the Intifada. The first stage of these projects will be financed by donor nations and built in the 18% of Gaza being vacated by Israel. The PA plans to declare the land in Gush Katif as state-owned land, on which housing projects, namely high-rises, will be built. A special court will hear claims by the lands' pre-1967 owners. The Palestinians estimate that 250,000 housing units are needed in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, and that 7,900 homes were demolished during the Intifada. The UAE is the largest donor for housing projects, having financed a recently completed 616-unit project and a second 638-unit project that is still under construction. Saudi Arabia also finances housing projects. (Globes & Ha'aretz, 8/14/05)

Back Porch Perspective: In a commentary about the Palestinian perspective on Gaza settlers losing their homes during disengagement, Danny Rubinstein wrote, ".It was possible to see the outburst of anger among Palestinians who were asked whether they didn't have even a little bit of sympathy for the Jewish settlers in Gush Katif and northern Samaria (West Bank) who are losing their homes. No. They don't have any sympathy or any understanding. All of the requests for forgiveness from the settlers, like that of President Moshe Katsav, and all the sympathy with their terrible pain and their distress from Israeli politicians look to Palestinians like egotism and hypocrisy.

In the context of what has been happening in Gaza recently, an Israeli observer can also see it that way. During the course of the bloody conflicts of recently years, approximately 30,000 inhabitants of the Gaza Strip have been uprooted from their homes. Entire Palestinian neighborhoods along the Philadelphi route in Rafah, at the edges of the Khan Yunis refugee camp, along the route to Netzarim, and in the north on the edges of Beit Hanun have been turned into heaps of ruins by the Israel Defense Forces. The reason was an Israeli security need. Thousands of Palestinian refugees, with only a few days' warning, and in some cases only a few hours, have had to evacuate their homes, which were demolished, and their fields and orchards, which have been razed. In at least two cases that were publicized, an Israeli bulldozer demolished a house with its tenants inside, two old people to whom no one had paid any attention, and they were buried under the ruins." (Ha'aretz, 8/15/05)

Crowd Control: Gaza has one of the highest birthrates in the world, and the overcrowding soars sky-high. Now that the entire area is going into Palestinian hands, opinions are divided as to whether the coming years will bring any real improvement in the lives of the people who live there. Louis Shabana, director of the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, said, "After we receive the land of the settlements, the ratio of the land to the number of people will improve significantly. We will be able to take people out of the crowded areas and improve their standard of living." Twenty-four thousand people live on every square kilometer of built-up land in Gaza. But in the Gush Katif settlement bloc, there are only 360 residents per kilometer. The settlements will increase Palestinian land by 20%, giving them breathing space. But Professor Arnon Sofer, a demographer with the University of Haifa, argues, "Gush Katif is an insignificant addition. Let's say that they build a city of half a million residents on the area to be evacuated. So what? The problem is not where the people live, but that the area is poor and will become poorer. The question is where they will work." According to Palestinian estimates, Gaza has 1.4 million inhabitants, and the rate of natural increase is 5%. In less than ten years, the population will be more than two million.

"We are aware of the problem, and are conducting a policy of population management in order to prevent an explosion in 25 or 20 years," Shabana said. "Even now we see a decrease in natural increase. The decrease in Gaza is slower, but we are trying to dictate a policy that will deal with it." But according to Sofer, even if the rate of natural increase goes down to 1%, it is already too late. "In Gaza there are hundreds of thousands of children who will reach the age of fertility soon," he says. "Even if all of the young couples bring only two children into the world, we are still talking about an enormous number of young couples." Therefore, the matter of culture and ethics must be added: an average family in Gaza consists of seven people, and this statistic will not change soon. Both sides agree that the immediate way to deal with the problem is to invest enormous amounts of money in Gaza. (Ma'ariv, 8/14/05)

New Neighbors? The Palestinian Authority (PA) plans to move about 2,000 soldiers belonging to the Palestinian Liberation Army from Lebanon to Gaza. These forces are considered Fatah loyalists, and the purpose is to bring them to Gaza in order for them to serve as a counterweight to Hamas and help maintain law and order. The plan was revealed by senior Fatah official Abbas Zaki during a visit to Lebanon. Zaki also noted during that visit that Palestinians living in Lebanon have the priority to return to Gaza before any other refugees after Israel withdraws because "their living conditions are the worst." According to Palestinian researcher in refugee affairs Issam Shami, the 25,000 1967 Palestinian refugees came from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank from 1967 to 1970 to Lebanon after the Cairo agreement, which allowed the Palestinians to move through Lebanon. The refugees were aged between 18 and 20, they got married, and formed families and a Palestinian society. However, they have been facing legal problems with Lebanese authorities. They do not have official papers and are not registered by UNRWA.

Shami said that some of them have a birth certificate from Palestine and Jordan, while those born in Lebanon have a paper from the mukhtar, and are not registered with UNRWA. Although UNRWA addresses them as Palestine refugees, they are formally referred to as "displaced persons." There are an estimated total of 400,000 Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon. Speaking of Palestinian refugees, Jordan's King Abdullah II vowed last week to oppose settling any more of them in his country amid fears that Israel's withdrawal from Gaza may not extend to the West Bank. He is concerned that if Israel fails to leave the West Bank, Jordan may be pressed to settle tens of thousands of Palestinian refugees living in camps scattered across the region, including Syria and Lebanon. Jordan already hosts 1.8 million Palestinian refugees and their descendants displaced in two wars with Israel since 1948. The government argues that accepting more refugees may disturb Jordan's fragile economy and its demographic balance. (Yedioth Ahronoth, 8/14/05; Daily Star, 8/13/05; & AP, 8/16/05)

Israel's Stake In Palestinian Aid: Business Data Israel (BDI) recommends Israeli support for increased foreign aid to the Palestinian Authority (PA). Israeli exports to the PA amounted to $1.6 billion in 2004, 30% more than the $1.25 billion exported in 2003. Imports from the PA grew from $221 million in 2003 to $303 million in 2004, a 37% rise. BDI said that foreign economic aid to the PA had totaled $900 million annually since 2002. It added that recent U.S. studies indicated that every $1 in aid could increase output in the PA by $1.64. BDI concluded that $3 billion more in aid (as recently pledged by the G8 nations) was likely to increase Palestinian output by $4.9 billion, leading to the doubling of Israeli exports to the PA. Real GDP in the PA grew 10% in 2004, after four years of negative growth.

One factor was freer movement of goods and people last year, which led to increased economic activity. The Palestinian economy grew substantially in agriculture, industry, trade, transportation, hotels, and restaurants. Exports were up 27%, and imports 23%. Meanwhile, Palestinian unemployment dropped from 26.3% in the first quarter of 2005 to 21.2% in the second quarter, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. The unemployment rate at the end of the second quarter in the West Bank was 17.2%, while it stood at 30.2% in Gaza. The figures show a 12% rise in employment to 656,000 in the second quarter, with most new hires coming from the private sector. The number of Palestinians working legally or illegally in Israel and Israeli settlements grew from 60,000 in the first quarter to 65,000 in the second quarter. (Globes, 8/15 & 17/05)

Egyptian Companies Pass QIZ Test: 50 of the 54 Egyptian companies cooperating with Israeli companies in the joint Qualified Industrial Zones (QIZ) will continue operating in the next quarter. 50 Egyptian companies met the threshold condition of Israeli inputs under the QIZ agreement for duty-free exports to the U.S. Four Egyptian firms failed to meet the threshold condition and were disqualified. During the first quarter of the Egyptian QIZ's operation, the participating Egyptian companies bought 13.7% of inputs from Israel, about the 11.7% mandated minimum. (Globes, 8/17/05)